Domestic Prosecution of International Crimes - Introduction

BY CLEO MEINICKE, RESEARCH ASSOCIATE PILPG-NL

An International Criminal Court is hereby established.
It [...] shall be complementary to national criminal jurisdictions.
— ICC Rome Statute Article 1

In October 2018, the Bosnian state court indicted a former soldier of crimes against humanity for his involvement in the murder and enforced disappearance of civilians in the Kljuc area. In September of that year, a German court convicted Ibrahim Al F. for war crimes committed in Syria and in the same month a military tribunal in the Democratic Republic of the Congo found two military commanders guilty of crimes against humanity committed in the villages of Kamananga and Lumenje (South Kivu). These are just three recent examples of domestic efforts in the prosecution of those responsible for international crimes.  

Based on the complementarity principle of the International Criminal Court (ICC), where states are “unwilling or unable” to prosecute international crimes, the ICC may step in to prosecute those most responsible for the commission of the crimes under its jurisdiction, namely genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. However, out of 28 cases before the Court since its inception in 2001 only three resulted in successful convictions.  Several suspects were acquitted after lengthy proceedings, of which Gbagbo and Blé Goudé are the latest examples. Therefore, the ICC should be regarded as a last resort while domestic courts carry the main responsibility to prosecute those responsible for international crimes.

Despite efforts by Bosnia, Germany, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and others, many states around the world do not have the right legislation in place to prosecute international crimes on a domestic level yet and among those that have, many face obstacles and limitations to the actual prosecution of those crimes.  

This blog post is the first in a series of posts elaborating on the domestic prosecutions of international crimes, providing an overview for readers interested in this topic as well as monthly analyses on developments in different regions worldwide. The focus of the blog post series is on the four core crimes that fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Other transnational crimes such as terrorism, piracy, or human trafficking may be used as examples of domestic prosecution of international crimes.  

Sources of Jurisdiction for Domestic Courts

Two main events have empowered domestic courts to exercise jurisdiction over international crimes. The first is the emergence of the principle of universal jurisdiction. This principle is based on the notion that any state may exercise jurisdiction over a situation involving crimes considered “to be of extreme gravity and concern the international community.” It emerged after World War II when the international community implemented a large number of international treaties, including the 1949 Geneva Conventions, that enabled states to implement the principle on a domestic level to prosecute genocide and war crimes, for example. The second event was the adoption of the Rome Statute of the ICC that obliges its 124 member states to amend their domestic legislation to be able to prosecute international crimes. Based on the principle of complementarity, the ICC only has jurisdiction over cases where states are unwilling or unable to take action. In the cases touched upon in the introduction, which concern the gravest crimes, the national courts acted based on the universality principle and the Rome Statute.

Even though universal jurisdiction is the most used form of jurisdiction for international crimes, there are other forms of jurisdiction that provide domestic courts with the power to prosecute international crimes, especially those not falling under the Rome Statute. The territoriality principle permits jurisdiction based on where the crime took place. Domestic courts can use this type for example in cases of terrorist attacks if they have been committed on the state’s territory. The active personality principle permits jurisdiction based on the nationality of the perpetrator. Thus, where the perpetrator is a national of a state, that state may prosecute him or her. Alternatively, the passive personality principle allows for a state to claim jurisdiction based on the nationality of the victim. Third, the protective principle bases jurisdiction over a person on the protection of national interests or security even when the person is outside the state’s boundaries. Hence, domestic courts can base jurisdiction on several different principles to prosecute crimes of an international character.

Limitations to the Domestic Prosecution of International Crimes

The prosecution of international crimes domestically is often complicated. Problems occur, for example, when a state has not incorporated the international crimes into its domestic law or does not provide for universal jurisdiction. When a state does have a basis to prosecute international crimes, these cases are often complex and evidence is difficult to obtain from the respective states. Moreover, policy restrictions arise where there is a lack of specialized units or prosecutorial limits. Germany, France and the Netherlands for example have specialized war crimes units that support the investigation of the crimes committed. Lastly, lack of political will limit the success of prosecuting international crimes.

What are the main limitations to domestic prosecution of international crimes in the world? Are there geographical trends in the domestic prosecution of international crimes? In which areas are international crimes included in national legislations?  Were suspects successfully prosecuted? What obstacles do states face? These are just some of the questions that will be addressed in the next blog posts!




February 2019

February 2019 - Southern Cameroons National Council - Introduction

BY PHEDRA NEEL, RESEARCH ASSOCIATE PILPG-NL 

The situation in Southern Cameroons is as dire as it is unknown. The Cameroonian government is fighting groups in the region that it labels “armed separatist groups”. These groups want to establish an independent state called Ambazonia. The resulting violence is causing casualties on both sides.  Civilians see their human rights violated on a large scale. This blog series aims to raise awareness about this situation by regularly discussing specific aspects of the situation or by bringing updates of recent events.

Southern Cameroons and its continuing battle for independence 

Today, the inhabitants of Cameroon are facing multiple challenges. In the north, they are still combating Boko Haram and trying to cope with more than 100.000 Nigerian refugees fleeing the organization. In the east, Cameroon is struggling with the spillover effects from the conflict in the Central African Republic. In the west, the government is fighting what it calls “armed separatist groups”. Two years ago, some of these groups took up arms in their pursuit of an independent Southern Cameroons called ‘Ambazonia’. This claim for independence dates back to the colonial days. 

Following the Treaty of Versailles, the German colony ‘Kamerun’ was divided into a French Trusteeship, now known as the Republic of Cameroon, and a British trusteeship, the Southern Cameroons. After the French trusteeship gained independence in 1960, the British trusteeship was presented with a choice: to join Cameroon or to join Nigeria, another former British trusteeship. Southern Cameroons was thus never given the chance to become truly independent. Southern Cameroons eventually choose to join Cameroon, and Cameroon promised to grant the Southern Cameroonians equal rights in a federal state.

However, Cameroon has not upheld its promises, and undermined the position of the people of Southern Cameroons on multiple occasions. For example, it has forced the people of Southern Cameroons to use the French language in official settings instead of their predominantly native English language. In 2016, the people of Southern Cameroons once again started to protest for more rights, including the right to use English in schools and in courtrooms. The federal government forcefully repressed these protests. As a result, some people of the Southern Cameroons felt that independence would be the only solution. Ever since, violence has become part of everyday life in the region, and is taking a toll on the civilian population. 

Every day, newspapers report about alleged murders, extrajudicial killings, kidnappings, disappearances, dismembered bodies, and shootings. A report produced by humanitarian organizations, including UNICEF and the Human Rights Committee, has shown that the ‘Anglophone crisis’ has left 1.3 million people in need of assistance and 435,500 people internally displaced. About 3,700 unaccompanied minors are in urgent need for psychological care. More than 40 percent of hospitals and health centers no longer provide vaccines, and more than 15 percent of births occur without the presence of trained healthcare professionals. Those who manage to flee the country are not out of harm’s way either.  For example, they live in dire conditions in host communities. Furthermore, 47 Southern Cameroonian leaders are on trial on counts of terrorism. These individuals have been detained since January 2018, after being illegally extradited from Nigeria to Cameroon. While the situation receives more attention from the international community, the prosecutions continue. Their trial has been postponed on numerous occasions, currently until February 20, 2019.

At first, international organizations and states seemed unwilling to interfere or comment on the situation, apart from general calls for peace and sustainable solutions. However, since the elections in October 2018, which were won by Paul Biya – Cameroon’s president since 1982 – some states have started speaking up. For example, the United Kingdom asked for “a peaceful and structured process leading to constitutional reforms” in response to the 2018 election results. This is uncommon, as asking for constitutional reforms is more intrusive than asking for a dialogue. The other former colonizer, Germany, has gone even further than the United Kingdom. Even before the election results were made official, German members of parliament asked the German federal government for action. More specifically, they wanted the Government to offer its services as a mediator in order to start political dialogue; suspend development aid to Cameroon; work together with the EU to encourage dialogue; and bring an end to military cooperation with the Cameroonian government. 

The Unites States of America have reconsidered their assistance to Cameroon. They are still providing assistance in the fight against Boko Haram but are increasingly afraid that their contribution is used in Southern Cameroons. 

Whereas France did not issue a similar statement after the elections, it has spoken on several other occasions. For example, France did speak up whenover 70 students and staff members from a secondary school were kidnapped in November 2018, when a journalist was arrested for accusing the government of being responsible for the death of an American missionary in Southern Cameroons, and when the government arrested opposition leader Maurice Kamto.

However, more concrete action will be needed to pressure the federal government to stop the large scale human rights violations. The United Nations should take action that goes beyond mere condemnations of the violence. For example, the United Nations Human Rights Council could appoint a special rapporteur for the entire territory of Cameroon. Such an appointment could help document the violence, and facilitate negotiations towards a peaceful solution.

At the same time, the international community as a whole could work together to put an end to the violence that is negatively affecting the everyday life of so many individuals. Each of these members has an interest in the stability in the region, andthe power to pressure the Cameroonian government to bring lasting peace. 

 

February 2019

February 2019 - Domestic Prosecution of International Crimes Update

BY CLEO MEINICKE, RESEARCH ASSOCIATE PILPG-NL

THIS NEWS UPDATE DRAWS TOGETHER INFORMATION FROM DIFFERENT ONLINE NEWS PLATFORMS ON THE TOPIC OF DOMESTIC PROSECUTION OF INTERNATIONAL CRIMES. 

AFRICA

Lybia | Former Ghaddafi official freed in Libya for ‘health reasons’

Buzeid Dorda, a former official of the Libyan leader Muammar Ghaddafi’s regime, who was sentenced to death in 2015, was released Sunday for “health reasons” according to information received from his family. He was sentenced to death for his role in the violent crackdown on protesters. The trial was considered flawed by the United Nations. [February 18, 2019]

Uganda | LRA's Kwoyelo: Lawyers ask court to postpone trial

The commencement of the trial of Mr Thomas Kwoyelo, former Lord’s Resistance Army Commander, was postponed by two weeks for the prosecution to prepare their opening statement. The defendant faces 93 counts of crimes against humanity and war crimes committed between 1995 and 2005. [February 20, 2019]

ASIA

Sri Lanka| Sri Lanka considering withdrawal of co-sponsorship of UNHRC resolution on war crimes

Maithripala Sirisena, the president of Sri Lanka, expressed his wish to withdraw from a Human Rights Council resolution demanding Sri Lanka to address accountability issues and setting up a war crimes tribunal with international participation. A Foreign Ministry source said that the pros and cons of a withdrawal are being discussed. [February 24, 2019]

AUSTRALIA & OCEANIA

Australia | SAS war crimes probe witness disciplined

The Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force has been investigating the conduct of the Special Air Services Regiment and Commandos during the war against the Taliban regarding potential breaches of the laws of armed conflict. The Inspector-General moved to punish a witness, who allegedly breached secrecy provisions of the investigation. [February 2, 2019]

CENTRAL AMERICA/ CARRIBEANS

Guatemala | 'A drastic step backwards': Guatemala considers amnesty for war crimes

Congress will soon vote to reform the national reconciliation law, which may provide absolute immunity to the perpetrators of the crimes committed during the 36-year armed conflict. The crimes committed include rape, forced disappearances and are widely considered crimes against humanity.  [February 7, 2019]

Guatemala | Guatemala war crime survivors challenge amnesty bill

Indigenous survivors of crimes against humanity committed during the civil war take action against the bill advancing immunity for the war criminals. Maya Achi women are among the opposition. They were raped in a military base and would not obtain justice in case of an amnesty bill. [February 14, 2019]                                       

EUROPE

Belgium | Belgian government supports international prosecution for ISIS fighters

The government of Belgium on Thursday wishes the establishment of an international court to prosecute adult Islamic State fighters with Belgian nationality. A report by Metro indicated that the National Security Council in Belgium said an international court should bring to justice all European fighters captured in Iraq. [February 21, 2019]

Bosnia | Bosnian Croat Officer’s Crimes Against Humanity Acquittal Quashed

In May 2018, the state court acquitted Mile Puljic, former commander of the Second Battalion of crimes against humanity committed in the Mostar area in 1993 and 1994. The appeals chamber of the Bosnian state court however ruled in favour of a retrial of the case. [February 8, 2019]

Bosnia | US denounces Bosnian Serb bid to reassess 1990s war crimes

Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik rejects the rulings issued by the ICTY and the ICJ concerning the Srebrenica massacre, which label the incident a genocide. He believes the perspective is exaggerated and the suffering of the Serbs is ignored. Bosnian Serb officials launched new investigations into the atrocities committed in Srebrenica and Sarajevo, which are criticised by the United States. [February 8, 2019]

Bosnia | Eight Persons charged over War Crimes in BiH

The Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina confirmed the indictment charging the accused with the criminal offense of war crimes against civilians under Article 142(1) of the Criminal Code of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (CC SFRY) due to their conduct in violation of international humanitarian law. [February 11, 2019]

Bosnia | Indictment confirmed charging Slobodan Curcic with Crimes against Humanity

On 18 September 2018 the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina confirmed the indictment charging the accused with violation of international humanitarian law for his conduct as a member of the Serb Republic of BiH forces in July 1992 during their attack against the Bosniak civilian population. [February 23, 2019]

Bosnia | Digital Archive of all Evidence pertaining to War Crimes Cases to be finalized soon? 

The Head of the OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), the President of the High Judicial and Prosecutorial Council (HJPC) of BiH, and the Chief Prosecutor of the Prosecutor’s Office of BiH signed a Memorandum of Understanding to create an electronic database containing evidence available within the BiH Prosecutor’s Office. This development aims to advance the processing of war crimes cases at the state level. [February 24, 2019]

France | France accuses Syrian suspect of crimes against humanity

Abdulhamid A. is being held in custody on suspicion of partaking in crimes committed by the Syrian government against civilians between 2011 and 2013. The arrest is a result of a joint investigation by French and German investigators. Charges of complicity in crimes against humanity were filed against the suspect. [February 16, 2019]

Germany | Germany arrests two Syrians suspected of crimes against humanity

Two former secret service officers from the Syrian government suspected of carrying out and aiding torture and crimes against humanity were arrested in Germany. The arrests were based on investigations conducted by the European Centre for Constitutional and Human rights (ECCHR) in Berlin. [February 13, 2019]

Kosovo | Kosovo wants abrogation of UNSC Resolution 1244, creation of a war crimes tribunal for Serbia

 Kosovo’s state delegation has created a platform in dialogue with Serbia, which is yet to be confirmed by the Parliament. If endorsed by the members of parliament, the platform terminates UN Security Council Resolution 1244, as well as the creation of a special war crime tribunal dealing exclusively with crimes committed by Serbia in Kosovo. [February 15, 2019]

Netherlands | Israel Asks Dutch Court to Drop War Crimes Case Against Gantz

According to the Justice Ministry, the Israeli government asked to dismiss war crimes allegations against Benny Gantz at a Dutch court. He is charged for his role in an airstrike on a family’s home that killed among others a 72-year-old woman and a 12-year-old child. The strike took place in the war between Israel and Gaza militants in 2014. [February 11, 2019]

Netherlands | Ogoni widows testify at The Hague over Shell's alleged complicity in killings

Shell is accused of complicity in the state execution of nine Ogoni protesters and human rights abuses dating back to 1993 in relation to the oil spilling in the Niger delta. The case was brought by four Ogoni women, who suspect Shell to have been complicit in the brutal crackdown of protests by the government and further human rights abuses. The actions led to the death of the women’s husbands. The case will be decided by a Dutch court. [February 12, 2019]

Sweden | Iraqi man convicted in Sweden of war crimes

An Islamic State fighter, who has posted macabre pictures and videos of himself with corpses on Facebook, has been convicted by a Swedish Court. His conduct was judges to have been “intended to seriously violate personal integrity.” Kurda Bahaalddin H Saeed H Saeed was sentenced to 15 months in jail. [February 19, 2019]

NORTH AMERICA

United States | War crimes trial of Navy SEAL postponed for 3 months

The murder trial of Special Operations Chief Edward Gallagher accused of stabbing a war prisoner was postponed. The defense lawyers asked for more time to assess the evidence. Gallagher is accused of killing a teenage Islamic State fighter under his care and then held his re-enlisting ceremony with the corpse. He is further suspected of killing two civilians and shooting into crowds. [February 13, 2019]

United States | FBI is dismantling its war crimes unit

A special unit investigating international war crimes is being dissolved by the FBI. The unit was created to catch Nazis living in the US and has aided for example in the take down of the Liberian warlord Thomas Woewiju. [February 15, 2019]

United States | Naval Special Warfare Command addresses war crimes and other issues in SEAL community

Especially against the background of the trial against Special Operations Chief Edward Gallagher for the commission of war crimes, Rear Admiral Collin Green, commanding officer of the Naval Special Warfare Command, commissioned an internal investigation to determine the reason for such scandals. [February 17, 2019]

SOUTH AMERICA

Colombia | Colombia’s senate president says printer removed victims’ rights from war crimes tribunal bill

 Whereas the Special Jurisdiction for Peace is in force since over a year, the bill regulating the competences of the war crimes tribunal has not been passed through congress. The parts guaranteeing victim’s rights and the duty to contribute to a lasting peace were removed –Senator Ernesto Macias blamed the printer. [February 10, 2019]

Colombia | FARC leader Timochenko first to testify before Colombia’s war crimes tribunal

FARC leader Rodrigo Londoño (Timochenko) is the first to testify before Colombia’s war crimes tribunal (Special Jurisdiction for Peace) to report about his conduct during the armed conflict, especially concerning his involvement in mass kidnapping. He stands trial for the commission of crimes against humanity. His testimony will help to establish a detailed account of the FARC’s kidnapping practices in Colombia. [February 14, 2019]

February 2019

February 2019 - International Criminal Court (ICC) Update

BY ISABELLA BANKS, RESEARCH ASSOCIATE PILPG-NL

IN THE PAST MONTH, THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT (ICC) RELEASED UPDATES ON THE CONDITIONAL RELEASE OF MR. GBAGBO AND MR. BLÉ GOUDÉ, THE ICC PROSECUTOR’S PARTICIPATION ON THE MUNICH SECURITY CONFERENCE, AND THE LAUNCH OF THE INTERNATIONAL GENDER CHAMPION NETWORK’S NEW HUB IN THE HAGUE.

ICC Appeals Chamber to Impose Conditions on Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé Upon Their Release Following Their Acquittal

On February 1, 2019, the ICC Appeals Chamber announced its unanimous decision to impose conditions on the release of Mr. Gbagbo and Mr. Blé Goudé to a state (or states) willing to accept them and enforce these conditions. According to the ICC Press Release, the purpose of the imposed conditions is to “protect the integrity of the process.” The Appeals Chamber instructed ICC Registrar Peter Lewis to identify and enter into agreements with said state (or states) and make the necessary interim arrangements.

 This announcement came in the wake of the Trial Chamber I’s controversial decision in mid-January to grant the defense’s “no case to answer” motion to acquit Mr. Gbagbo and Mr. Blé Goudé from all charges. Trial Chamber I initially found that there were no exceptional circumstances preventing the release of Mr. Gbagbo and Mr. Blé Goudé from ICC detention following their acquittal.  The ICC Prosecutor appealed this decision, warning that the two men presented flight risks and that “their unconditional release might impact victims’ safety.”

 The acquittal – which came after a three-year trial relating to post-electoral violence in Cote d’Ivoire between 2010 and 2011 – prompted a wide range of reactions from ICC commentators. Some called it a serious “blow” for the Court that “rattles ICC foundations” while others argued that “the fairness of any criminal justice system must be judged by acquittals and not by convictions.” Regardless of whether or not this most recent acquittal reflects inadequacies of the Office of the Prosecutor, few dispute that the decision and the sensational publicity around it hurt the Court’s credibility. Dutch speakers can watch PILPG NL Director Marieke de Hoon’s comments on the decision on NPO Radio 1 here.

Statement of the ICC Prosecutor Following the Conditional Release of Mr. Gbagbo and Mr. Blé Goudé 

Following the Feburary 1 decision of the Appeals Chamber, ICC Prosecutor stated that it was amenable to release with a set of conditions, the purpose of which was to ensure that Mr. Gbagbo and Mr. Blé Goudé would be available before Court should the trial proceedings against them continue.

The ICC Prosecutor further noted that it would await a written decision by the Judges of Trial Chamber I detailing the legal reasons for the January 15 acquittal before deciding whether or not to exercise its right to appeal.

ICC Hosts Launch of International Gender Champions Network’s “Den Haag Hub”

On February 5, 2019, the ICC hosted the launch of the International Gender Champions  (IGC) Network’s new hub – an event organized by the Embassies of Canada and Switzerland to the Netherlands. The International Gender Champions is a leadership network that “brings together female and male decision-makers to break down gender barriers” and consists of over 200 active Champions worldwide. The purpose of the launch event was to discuss how Gender Champions and other advocates could put their commitment to gender equality into action in The Hague. The hub itself is intended to promote gender equality across organizations in The Hague and facilitate coordination with the IGC’s other chapters in Geneva, New York, Vienna, and Nairobi.

Last year, ICC President Chile Eboe-Osuji, ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda, and ICC Registrar Peter Lewis each joined the ICG leadership network and vowed to take concrete measures to strengthen gender equality within their respective organs at the Court. All three spoke at the February 5 launch event. As part of a panel discussion, Prosecutor Bensouda stated, “Equality for women is progress for all. Achieving gender parity is a collective responsibility.”  

ICC Prosecutor Participates in the Munich Security Conference

From February 15-17, 2019, ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda attended Germany’s 55th Munich Security Conference. The purpose of the annual event is to “build trust and contribute to the peaceful resolution of conflicts by sustaining a continuous, curated, and informal dialogue within the international security community.” Prosecutor Bensouda’s attendance was intended to bring attention to accountability for atrocity crimes and build support for her Office.

In her statements at the conference, the ICC Prosecutor called for greater support for “institutions created to ensure a rules-based global order and accountability” and highlighted her Office’s preliminary investigation work, which have helped catalyze national proceedings in select states. Prosecutor Bensouda also participated in a solutions-oriented side event organized by the Aurora Humanitarian Initiative, a non-profit organization founded on behalf of survivors of the Armenian Genocide. 

Throughout the conference, Prosecutor Bensouda met with senior officials from a number of states, regional and international organizations, and civil society. Controversially among them was Rwandan President Paul Kagame, a known critic of the ICC. A photo of the pair shaking hands sparked a vigorous debate about the dissemination of photos of meetings between the ICC Prosecutor and world leaders on Mark Kersten’s blog, Justice in Conflict.

 



International Criminal Liability in the Age of Social Media: Facebook's Role in Myanmar

By: Isabella Banks, Research Associate, PILPG-NL

The New York Times reported disturbing details of a systematic campaign led by Myanmar’s military elite to use Facebook’s broad reach to incite violence against the Rohingya. Through fake accounts and celebrity pages, the military disseminated anti-Rohingya propaganda, fake news, and inflammatory photos to millions of followers. As many as 700 people were involved in spreading this content to users across the country.

Criminal liability in international law is unique from that of most national legal systems in that it extends to those physically distant from the crime. International law’s expanded notions of criminal liability and commission are what have made it possible for justice institutions – first the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal (IMT) in 1945 and now the International Criminal Court (ICC) – to hold high-level perpetrators who order, plan, coordinate, or facilitate mass atrocities from afar accountable for their actions.

A question that international legal authorities have largely left unanswered is how this expanded notion of criminal liability might be applied in the age of global online networks and in particular, social media. There is mounting evidence that in addition to helping us stay connected and “bring the world closer together,” social media platforms are being used to proliferate ideas that result in real-world violence. 

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A recent study conducted in Germany found that anti-refugee hate speech on Facebook predicted violent crimes against refugees in municipalities with above average usage of the platform. The researchers took advantage of sporadic internet outages to test the causality of the relationship, and confirmed that when “internet access went down in an area with high Facebook use, attacks on refugees dropped significantly.” Other research suggests that this may be because posts that trigger strong, negative emotions are favored by the platform’s newsfeed algorithm, which aims to maximize user engagement.

Facebook’s newsfeed algorithm is particularly vulnerable to misuse and manipulation in transitional countries like Myanmar, where democratic institutions are weak, social trust is low, and Facebook is the only website that many people access. Over the past year, Facebook has been criticized repeatedly for exacerbating the ongoing genocide against the country’s Rohingya ethnic minority by failing to contain the spread of hate speech and disinformation on its platform.

The New York Times reported disturbing details of a systematic campaign led by Myanmar’s military elite to use Facebook’s broad reach to incite violence against the Rohingya. Through fake accounts and celebrity pages, the military disseminated anti-Rohingya propaganda, fake news, and inflammatory photos to millions of followers. As many as 700 people were involved in spreading this content to users across the country.

The military’s Facebook campaign was launched five years ago – approximately the same time that human rights violations against the Rohingya are reported to have worsened. A recent report published by the Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG) documenting atrocity crimes committed in Myanmar’s Rhakine State found that while many patterns of abuse stretch back for decades, “the period of the most consistent persecution and escalating violence against the Rohingya began in 2012 and steadily intensified through the major attacks that began in August 2017.”

By the time Facebook announced its decision to remove 20 accounts linked to military and spiritual leaders that had “enabled serious human rights abuses” in August 2018, a Reuters investigation had documented over 100,000 anti-Rohingya Facebook posts and 700,000 Rohingya had fled across the border to Bangladesh. 

Inside Myanmar, Facebook’s announcement was met with widespread outrage and largely overshadowed the news of a United Nations report highlighting the massacre of at least 10,000 Rohingya, which had been released the day before. One government spokesman went so far as to say, “We have called Facebook to ask why they have done this…we worry that this action will have an impact on national reconciliation.” 

For others, Facebook’s response came too late. As early as 2013, Myanmar experts began meeting with Facebook to warn them that activity on the platform was fueling attacks on the Rohingya. In a presentation at the company’s headquarters, one Myanmar-based entrepreneur likened Facebook’s role in Myanmar to that of extremist anti-Tutsi radio broadcasts that propelled the Rwandan genocide. 

In March 2018, the chairman of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar stated that social media had “substantively contributed to the level of acrimony and dissension and conflict” in Myanmar. The following month, civil society groups published an open letter criticizing Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s characterization of Facebook’s hate speech “detection systems” as effective in the aftermath of an incident that resulted in three violent attacks. The letter highlighted Facebook’s overreliance on third parties to flag dangerous content and its failure to implement a mechanism for emergency escalation. 

The ICC’s recent decision to open a preliminary investigation concerning the mass deportation of the Rohingya to Bangladesh represents a potential opportunity to prosecute perpetrators of international crimes in Myanmar. This raises important questions: How and to what extent should top Facebook officials be held responsible for their avoidance and mismanagement of an emerging crisis? Do the company’s stated concerns about infringing upon the free speech of its users justify its inaction? On what legal basis might the military leaders who exploited Facebook to incite violence against the Rohingya be prosecuted?

In a 2003 case before the International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda (ICTR), Prosecutor vs. Nahimana, Barayagwiza and Ngeze, three founders of extremist media outlets were convicted of direct and public incitement to commit genocide for orchestrating a propaganda campaign intended to desensitize the Hutu population and encourage them to kill Tutsis. In 2007, the Appeals Chamber reversed several aspects of the Trial Chamber's judgement on the grounds that: 1) it was inappropriate to apply international human rights law on hate speech to genocide crimes; and 2) direct and public incitement to commit genocide was not a continuous crime. In so doing, the Appeals Chamber drew a clear distinction between hate speech and international crimes, and made it difficult to hold individuals who publicly foment hatred over a long period of time accountable for violence that may result from their actions. 

The outcome of the ICTR’s so-called “Media case” suggests that the prosecution of the military leaders responsible for the anti-Rohingya Facebook campaign will constitute a significant legal challenge in itself. Still, the question of Facebook’s responsibility towards the countries it operates in – particularly those in transition – remains.

Zuckerberg himself has acknowledged: “In a lot of ways, Facebook is more like a government than a traditional company. We have this large community of people, and more than other technology companies we’re really setting policies.” Given that international law exists in large part to ensure that governments fulfill their “responsibility to protect” their own people, it seems likely that international legal authorities will need to further adapt criminal liability to account for the outsized influence of social media companies.