Side Event – “Prosecution of War Crimes in Iraqi Kurdistan: the ISIS case and the Saddam Hussein” Case (hosted by the Kurdish National Coalition for the ICC)

Overview by Sally Eshun, Intern PILPG NL

This side event held in Arabic focused on the crimes committed in Iraq against the Kurdish people both by Iraqi forces under the command of Saddam Hussein and the terrorist group Islamic State (ISIS/Da’esh), from a national perspective. An Iraqi judge on the panel remarked that since the military coup in 1958, Iraq has remained unstable with a fragile democracy. Sentencing laws have been weak as have been human rights records. According to him, special or military courts were mainly handling politically motivated cases and lacked impartiality. The Iraqi judge remarked that there have been efforts to establish a special tribunal for crimes committed in the autonomous region of Kurdistan but that due to prior experience and the potential of the court becoming too politicized, that idea was dropped. There were three avenues, which were considered when the discussion was revolving around establishing an international court. The possibility of doing it with UN-backing was hindered due to the U.S.-veto in the UN Security Council. The international community also rejected the option of a hybrid court like the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) or the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL). 

Eventually, the Iraqi judge elaborated, a national court took on cases concerning the alleged crimes by also applying laws that were according to International Criminal Law standards. One of these cases included Saddam Hussein as defendant for committing war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide and military personnel close to him. The judge explained that he resigned before the first verdict of these trials was announced because of political involvement in the court proceedings and due to the fact that the death penalty was an option for sentencing. Ultimately he noted that he regrets not being able to give victims the justice they deserve.

Following, a former labor minister of the Kurdistan region commented on how the ICC is needed to act as a watch-dog for crimes committed. He found it unfortunate that the international community does not pay as much attention to the situation in Kurdistan, as it is needed and sees no real effort by the ICC to hold individuals accountable for the crimes committed in Kurdistan. This was the generally agreed upon by the other participants of this panel. The panel noted that the victims are the ones bearing the consequences for the inaction of the ICC and the world community but they also acknowledged the limited range of possibilities of the Court since Iraq is not a state party. 

Informal Consultations of the Omnibus Resolution

Overview by Abby Roberts, Research Associate PILPG NL

Highlights: 

  • There was a general consensus on the clauses concerning the recruitment of staff to balance geographic representation and gender distribution, the importance of the independence of the Court, and noting the ICC’s activated jurisdiction over the crime of aggression.

  • Further discussion will take place this weekend between parties on numerous clauses that will be brought up in the next meeting on Monday 11 December. 

The informal consultations for the Omnibus Resolution entailed the discussion on the revised draft of the resolution and the newly proposed clauses.

The debate opened with the discussion of clauses 104-106 which are a part of the section of Recruitment of Staff and concern geographic representation and gender distribution. The facilitator opened the discussion on these clauses by noting a previous proposals submitted by Bangladesh regarding its concerns about the current state of representation and distribution and explained that the proposal had been partially incorporated into these clauses.  Bangladesh was the first speaker and emphasized the need to address inequalities and geographic representation and gender distribution within the ASP. Bangladesh was in favor of these clauses, but will be monitoring the situation and will submit a stronger proposal in the future if it feels not enough progress is being made.

The next topic of debate was a proposal submitted by Austria which expressed its support regarding the independence of the Court and resolved to stand against impunity. There was a general consensus regarding the inclusion of the substance of the proposal, but some debate regarding the wording. 

The next clauses up for discussion were 12 bis and 12 ter on the ICC’s activated jurisdiction over the crime of aggression. There was a general consensus regarding the content of the clauses, but debate was centered around where they should be placed. Brazil suggested creating a new chapter regarding the 20th anniversary of the Rome Statute where the clauses would be placed. Spain suggested that the clauses were placed in Section T regarding the Review Conference. The facilitator recommended further outside discussion on this so the group could come to an agreement when the topic is picked back up on Monday. The subsequent debate had to do with clauses 12 quarter - 12 octies, regarding whether the phrase ‘takes note’, ‘takes note with appreciation’, or ‘welcomes’ should be used. Ecuador led the charge for changing the wording to ‘welcomes’, as it felt that ‘takes note’ was not strong enough. This topic will also be taken back up on Monday.

The next proposal discussed was clause 91 ter alt submitted by France, which requested the Bureau to submit a report assessing the schedule, location, and length of the ASP. Germany proposed an addition to this clause which would shorten the ASP to five working days.  Brazil and Belgium expressed their concern regarding the impact this would have on the workload of the Bureau. The United Kingdom supported France and Germany’s proposals but suggested that the ASP be one working week instead of five working days, as long as there are no judicial elections. Portugal supports the proposals by France and the UK but notes that they cannot prejudge what the substantive debate will be and needs to keep in mind the civil society considerations when limiting the ASP to five days. This proposal will also be brought up for discussion on Monday. 

The last topic of debate was clauses 9 bis - 9 quarter, which concerned the differentiation between public and private meetings of the ASP. Liechtenstein spoke first on this topic and suggested just recalling rule 42 rather than including these paragraphs. They also suggested that, if they are kept, the paragraphs be moved into the section on the participation of states parties. They don’t see the sufficient link between the substance of these paragraphs and universality, which is their current section. Colombia believed that the paragraphs should remain in universality section as keeping them public encourages participation. Germany noted there are concerns about inclusiveness and encouraging participation and noted that allowing observer states to be in the room is a necessity. Germany noted that they are exclusive in the Bureau when it comes to certain court proceedings and meetings, but other than that they are open. Austria did not see the need for three paragraphs when the topic was already endorsed in clause 138; they also agreed with the proposal by Liechtenstein. The United Kingdom believed these are important paragraphs that relate to universality and it is important that observer states and civil society are on equal footing. They also believe it is important to reference rule 42. The facilitator encouraged more dialogue on this topic as this will also be brought up again on Monday 10 December. 

Side Event – “The case for survivor-centered justice: Policy issues and challenges” (hosted by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation)

(co-hosted by Costa Rica, Liechtenstein and the Netherlands)

Overview by Isabella Banks, Research Associate PILPG NL

Highlights:

  • Since the Rome Statute entered into force, both States Parties and victims have had outsized expectations about what the International Criminal Court (ICC) can achieve.

  • The ICC can and should listen to victims and take their views into consideration by democratizing their participation in international criminal justice. 

  • Incorporating a retributive element to traditional and restorative approaches to justice may make them more appropriate and meaningful for victims of atrocity crimes, according to Dr. Roestenburg. 

  • Financial and psychological empowerment can help survivors of sexual violence overcome stigma and become agents of change.

Hosted by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) and moderated by Project Officer Niv Bachu, this side event aimed to explore challenges related to survivor-centered justice. These include questions such as: What differentiates a victim from a survivor? What should be done with perpetrators who are also survivors? Is prosecution the most effective tool available to survivors of mass atrocity? How can civil society practically and effectively administer justice to survivors of mass atrocity?

Ms. Bachu introduced the speakers: Phakiso Mochochoko, Head of the Jurisdiction, Complementarity, and Cooperation Division at the ICC; Dr. Helen Hintjens, Assistant Professor at the Institute of Social Studies; Ingrid Burtenberg, Senior Researcher at the IJR; and Malini Laxminarayan, Programme Officer at the Denis Mukwege Foundation in The Hague.

Before giving the speakers the floor, Ms. Bachu provided background on information the IJR. The IJR was launched in Cape Town, South Africa in 2000, in the wake of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Today the institute explores projects and partnerships that help to build fair, democratic, and inclusive societies in Africa. Its mission is to enable communities to promote reconciliation and apply human-centered approaches to socio-economic justice.

Mr. Mochochoko spoke first. In his role as division head at the ICC, Mr. Mochochoko focuses on cooperation as well as complementarity. As someone who was closely involved in negotiating the Rome Statute, he shared that he was struck by how early in the process the notion of complementarity was agreed upon by the States Parties. It helped to assuage widespread state concerns about sovereignty and the implications of a supranational body.  He explained that the principle of complementarity is applied in two ways: 1) in preliminary examinations to assess admissibility; and 2) in the investigations, to coordinate with national systems and try to ensure that lower-ranking perpetrators are prosecuted in addition to the high-level perpetrators that the ICC focuses on.

Mr. Mochochoko explained that complementarity has so far not operated in the way that is supposed to according to the Statute. He stressed that the question should not be “what is the ICC doing about this?” but rather “what are the national institutions doing about this?” In other words, the ICC has been treated as a court of first instance when it should be a court of last resort. He pointed out that no one imagined the issue of self-referrals, and called upon the international community to return to the principles envisaged in the Rome Statute.

He added that with regard to the criticism received about the duration of preliminary examinations, the ICC tries to encourage states to actively investigate and prosecute as is envisaged under complementarity but that it has not been particularly successful in this. He outlined a number of challenges: 1) lack of political will on the part of states; 2) lack of state resources, which the ICC cannot assist with; 3) state claims of lack of capacity, which the ICC also cannot assist with. The ICC is currently urging states to enhance their own judicial capacity through bilateral agreements or rule of law programs – something that Ms. Bachu pointed out the IJR may be able to assist with. He concluded with the remark that states do not seem to understand how complementarity is intended to work.

Dr. Mark Kersten spoke next, focusing on participation and engagement with victims in international criminal justice. From the outset, he noted that he does not purport to speak on behalf of victims and survivors. He argued that the ICC can and should listen to victims and take their views into consideration by democratizing their participation in international criminal justice. He criticized the tendency to speak about victims as a singularity with singular desires, noting the wide range of victims’ views towards the ICC. He stated that more attention should be paid to the core motivations of these individuals and that the reality that they are likely mixed is not something the ICC should run away from.

He noted that the existing literature on victim disenchantment with the ICC is overwhelmingly written by European or American authors and that their presumption to represent victims is problematic. He further questioned whether this “blame game” was beneficial to the victims themselves and proposed that perhaps a collective apology for letting them down would be more meaningful. He questioned why, for example, victims who are skeptical of the ICC and have fair critiques to bring to the table are not given a platform at the Assembly of States Parties (ASP). He suggested that their participation could be particularly valuable for alleviating tensions and minimizing negative impacts around the peace vs. justice debate. 

Dr. Kersten observed that international criminal justice stakeholders have a tendency to subsume victims into one category (victims of mass atrocity) that has one solution (justice before the ICC). This can be insulting to victims who have different ideas about how post-conflict justice should look. He pointed out that there are interesting possibilities that account for the varied interests and motivations of victims. In particular, he advocated for creative sentencing options that bridge the gap between retributive and restorative justice. He highlighted Colombia’s efforts to consider rehabilitation of FARC perpetrators and reconciliation with affected communities in sentencing. He also suggested that the Ongwen case could be an opportunity to incorporate participatory traditional justice practices in sentencing. Victims could also be engaged more at the preliminary examination stage.  Lastly, he stated that the ICC should not assume that victims are opposed to ICC justice.

Dr. Roestenburg-Morgan then introduced her research on the extent to which restorative and traditional mechanisms can benefit survivors of mass atrocity. She began by establishing that there is a presumption that justice is by nature retributive, but that if you look at post-conflict societies, you see a more complex picture. Prosecutions can de-stabilize a region and holistic systems of justice are often advocated. In Africa in particular, one sees a plethora of justice mechanisms, many of which are restorative (such as truth commissions) or traditional (such as Mato oput). She noted that traditional justice mechanisms can be quite valuable in terms of cost effectiveness and capacity to promote healing. Proponents also highlight their participatory nature, which can lead to meaningful engagement between victims and perpetrators as well as a greater emphasis on truth-telling.

In investigating whether such mechanisms are adequate measure for survivors of mass atrocities, Dr. Roestenburg found that they can only be effective if a retributive element of prosecution is included in their broader framework. She posited that this is due to the unique gravity, scale, and manner in which atrocity crimes are committed. Furthermore, states have an international obligation to prosecute which they cannot merely forego. Finally, it is sometimes implicit in restorative justice mechanisms that the victim must forgive the perpetrator, and this is not something that many victims of atrocity crimes are willing to do. She concluded that traditional and restorative justice mechanisms may need to be modified in order to fulfill the “genuineness requirement” under the Rome Statute, and that states should have minimum due process standards in place for atrocity crimes.

Dr. Hintjens opened with a critique of the notion that “just because justice takes a long time, it will never happen.” She also criticized the widespread use of the term “survivors,” explaining that she found it to be a far too fluid, catch-all term for atrocity crimes – particularly when used to describe perpetrators. She then raised the question: to what constituency do displaced victims belong? She described the work of her colleague Jackson Odong of the Refugee Law Project, who is currently setting up a museum in Gulu, Northern Uganda, on the topic. The purpose of the museum is to invert the assumption that crimes are always committed in a clearly-defined place against victims with access to local justice mechanisms.

Dr. Laxminarayan spoke last, summarizing her survivor-led work at the Denis Mukwege Foundation. She explained that with conflict-related sexual violence, stigma is pervasive and the first step for survivors is therefore to break the silence about what happened to them. Because of this, the Foundation views justice in terms of truth and recognition and works to empower survivors to become agents of change. Survivor empowerment can be financial (taking the form of reparations, education, livelihood programs) or psychological (initiatives that help survivors become leaders and speak out against violence and gender inequalities).  

Dr. Laxminarayanalso introduced the global survivor network, which was created in resistance to top-down, non-participatory approaches to conflict-related sexual violence.  She noted for example that the network was dissatisfied with the report on conflict-related sexual violence published by the UN Secretary General earlier this year. The network works to connect survivors of sexual violence in 20 countries with the goals of: building solidarity; breaking the silence; exchanging knowledge; documenting the past, and advocating for their rights. Within the network, there is a focus on sharing statements of support.  

A question from the audience entailed whether victim expectations might be unfairly raised by survivor-centered justice initiatives at the ICC. Mr. Mochochoko replied that from the moment the ICC opened, victims were communicating with the ICC about what the Court could do for them.  For example, he noted that the victims who the ICC interacts with are often living in very poor conditions and expect the Court to assist them with this, despite the fact that this is beyond the scope of the Court’s work. In conclusion, he suggested that victim expectations would be high regardless of these survivor-centered initiatives. Dr. Kersten agreed that the ICC can never reach what he called the “goldie locks standard” (referencing Darryl Robinson’s paper, “Inescapable Dyads: Why the ICC Cannot Win”) with respect to a the range of issues it is expected to address.

 

Side Event – “Presentation of a video documentary, “The Prosecutors”

The Prosecutors - Film excerpt screening on prosecution of sexual violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo”

(co-hosted by Chile, Costa Rica, Norway, ART WORKS Projects and Open Society Foundation)

Overview by Annelou Aartsen, Research Associate PILPG NL

Highlights: 

  • The Prosecutors” tells the story of three lawyers who fight against impunity of sexual violence in their country. 

  • The documentary has a powerful message: that justice is being done.

The event was co-hosted by Chile, Costa Rica, Norway, ART WORKS Projects and Open Society Justice Initiative. During the event the documentary “The Prosecutors”, directed by Leslie Thomas and produced by ART WORKS Projects, was showcased. This was followed by a panel discussion consisting of Leslie Thomas, legal gender expert Daniela Kravetz, and Senior Project Manager for the Open Society Justice Initiative Eric Witte. 

“The Prosecutors” tells the story of three dedicated lawyers who fight against impunity for sexual violence committed at times of war. The documentary is filmed over five years in three states, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Colombia, and Bosnia Herzegovina, all facing a long journey towards justice. 

The case of the DRC starts off with the testimonies of victims of sexual violence. All allegedly committed by military troops. The documentary portrays how 39 military members are accused guilty, however, only 2 are convicted with the war crime of rape. Something which seems unbelieve considering that there are 150 cases of rape recorded. 

The case of Colombia demonstrates how sexual violence was implemented as a weapon by the AUC paramilitary forces (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia). It showcases the prosecution of Marco Tulio Pérez Guzman, referred to as ‘el Oso’, who as the leader of the paramilitary forces was responsible for the systematic abduction and abuse of Colombian women. 

Related to the case of  Bosnia and Herzegovina the documentary notes that the majority of the victims of sexual violence have not come forward because too often justice has not been served. A practical issue the prosecution faces in Bosnia and Herzegovina is that the only witnesses are often the victims of rape. 

During the panel discussion following the documentary diverse issues were discussed. Amongst others, the producer was asked why she decided to make this movie. Leslie Thomas explained that she got inspired during a conference by those working and striving for justice. Additionally, she stressed some aspects of the documentary which she finds interesting. According to her, the documentary is able to demonstrate the use of sexual violence as a tactic employed by paramilitaries. In particular, the impact the use of sexual violence can have in terms of controlling a certain population. Another aspect highlighted by the producer is the powerful message the documentary sends to the victims. It is able to demonstrate that justice is being done. Something which is important for other countries who still need to find their ways to justice. According to Thomas, the movie was made for three reasons: to speak to policy makers, to stakeholders, and to the people who vote. To make them aware for their global responsibility to provide for justice. 

On a more general note, the panel addressed some lessons learned from post-conflict societies fighting for justice, which can be used for other countries that are going through similar processes. The panel highlighted the need for making sure that people understand what justice means, in addition to the need for providing for trial defense. Lastly, the judicial mechanisms which are set up need to have strong oversight to ensure the judicial process can run efficiently and continuously. 

Beyond these general lessons, the panel noted that often tradeoffs need to be made. There is for example a preference for local justice, however at times it is not possible to provide for justice locally due to security issues. Another issue which often needs to be decided on is whether to include internationals within the judicial mechanism such as judges or prosecutors. Sometimes this is necessary due to the destabilized nature of the national judiciary. Trust lacks within the national system, and therefore international actors can serve as objective actors.

The panel concluded that this “The Prosecutors” reminds us why we fight for justice and why this work is so important. The documentary is one which inspires. The trailer and the upcoming screenings of the documentary can be found here: http://www.theprosecutorsmovie.com/.

Side Event – “The Gbagbo-Blé Goudé and Jean-Pierre Bemba trials: crossviews and possible impacts on Côte d’Ivoire, the DRC and the CAR”

(co-hosted by the Ivorian Observatory for Human Rights and the Institute for Security Studies)

Overview by Sally Eshun, Intern PILPG NL

Highlights:

  • A very insightful event on the relationship between the ICC and the countries in which it has been most active in the past years. 

  • The panelists assessed and compared the Gbagbo & Blé Goudé case and the Bemba case, considering the latter’s acquittal in June 2018. They shed light on the impact the two cases and the general work of the ICC has on the local populations in the DRC, CAR and Côte d’Ivoire. 

As an introduction, Alan Ngari, researcher at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), pointed out the similarities in both cases and raised the concern that the outcome in the Blé Goudé case might be the same as in the Bemba case. He said that the outcome which resulted from the errors of the Appeals Chamber in the Bemba case on the issue of admissibility with respect to some of the charges, have the potential to be repeated in the Blé Goudé case now that the defence counsel has submitted the “no case to answer” motion. Mr. Ngari put emphasis on the impact the ruling can have on reparative justice for victims in Côte d’Ivoire. With the Bemba experience in mind, he pointed out that the potential for them to be let down is great due to the fact that there is no reparations available when a case is acquitted. 

Hyacinthe Gbiegba, who discussed the socio-political impact of the Bemba acquittal, tackled the topic of reparations of victims in the Central African Republic (CAR). He mentioned that there have been national efforts to provide reparations to the victims together with the UN Development Programme (UNDP). Concerning the political consequences of the Bemba acquittal, it was mentioned that victims in the CAR expected that Bemba would be sentenced and were surprised by his acquittal. Victims did not understand the acquittal when he was simultaneously sentenced for witness tampering. According to Mr. Gbiegba, victims were wondering whether the judges’ decision was politically motivated or whether they did not have all the information. He noted that the acquittal harmed the ICC’s reputation in the CAR, which is unfortunate keeping in mind the ongoing conflict. 

Paolina Massidda, the legal representative for the victims in the Blé Goudé case, commented on how in both cases justice for vicitms is lacking. Victims in CAR were very committed to the case, as seen by the high number of victims participating in the trial. Mr. Massidda noted that the people of Côte d’Ivoire already feel let down by the Ivorian government, so the reputation of the Court is closely connected to the outcome of the case. Mr. Massidda closed by stating that he hopes that command responsibility under Article 28 of the Rome Statute will be interpreted differently under the circumstances of the Blé Goudé case as opposed to the Appeals Chamber not seeing a sufficient link between the crimes committed and Bemba’s position as a commander in his acquittal.

The consensus among the panellists was the ICC’s need to take a victims-centred approach, also when it comes to outreach in the respective countries for the Court’s own sake and credibility.